Kanshi Ram taught Sanskrit at Hans Raj college, Delhi University, for 36 years till he retired as Associate professor in 2007. He studied the text like the Mahabhasya, Vaiyakaranabhusanasara, Sekhara, Nyayasiddhantamuktavali, vyaptipancaka with Mathuri, Citsukhi, etc. with traditional scholars like late Pt. Shri vedananda Jha. He has had the Opportunity of discussing the intricacies of Advaita Vedanta and Nyaya with Swami Dvyanandaji Sarasvati of Kailas Ashram, Rishikesh./ In addition to several research papers on various aspects of Indian Philosophy, his Publication are-Integral Nondualism: A critical exposition of Vijnanabhiksu’s system of Philosophy, and Unadisutras in the Sanskrit grammatical tradition. He has also translated tarkasangraha with the Tarkasangrahadipika of annabhatta with a detailed commentary in hindi.
Mithilesh Chaturvedi is associate Professor in the Department of Sanskrit, University of Delhi. Besides a number of research papers and articles, his publication include vrttisamuddesa of Bhartrhari’s vakyapadiya: A study. He has also translated a number of works from English and Sanskrit into Hindi, He has recently edited the proceedings of an International seminar on Bhartrhari Published under the title Bhartrhari: Language, Thought and Reality>
Varadaraja wrote the Laghusiddhanta-Kaumudi, a short version of Bhattojidiksita’s siddhantakaumudi, in order to inculates an ability in beginners to gain access to the astadhyayi as he claims in the invocatory verse. This work, which is the first of the three-volume project, coverse 371 sutras on samjna sandhi subanta and avyaya prakarapanas. It includes the translation of the sutra and the vrtti on it by Varadaraja, which is followed by the paraphrased sutra in which padas are kept in nonsandhi form. The carried over padas are given along with the sutras from the Astadhyayi from which they have been carried over. In the elucidation that follows the paraphrase, the meaning of the sutra and the vrtti thereon is explained in detail. Relevant grammatical aspects have also been discussed so that some light is thrown on the depth and nuances of vyakarana-sastra. The present work fulfils a compelling need for a detailed commentary on the Laghusiddhantakaumudi in English
The present volume, which is the second of the three-volume-series, expounds 391 sutras of the Laghusiddhantakaumudi that explain the conjugational process of verbal roots and related grammatical principles. When the verbal terminations, that is tin-affixes which are replacements for the abstract affix are introduced, the conjugational process is set in motion. This process is more complex than the declensional process of nominal stems. This is the reason why the expositions of the conjugation of verbal stems requires a more detailed analysis for the sake of comprehensibility and clarity. The verbal roots after which the verbal terminations are added are listed in the dhatupatha and arranged in ten groups knows as gangas. There are about 1944 verbal roots out of which 226 have been treated in the present work, besides the five sautra roots, the second kind of verbal roots, after which the verbal endings are introduced, are those which are derived with the introduction of the following twelve affixes: san, kyac, kanyac, kyan, kyas, kvip nic, yan, yak, aya, iyan and nin. The latter kind of derivedverbal root are assigned the dhatu-designation by sanadyanta dhatavah (467). the personal verbal terminations which are used after both kinds of verbal stems are prescribed in the governing domain of dhatoh. They are divided into two mutually exclusive categories: sarvadhatuka and ardhadhatuka. The derivational journey of a verbal root starts with the introduction of the abstract affix L and ends with the finished verbal form fit to be used in an actual utterance. As such, the significance of the conjugational analysis can be inferred from the analyses can be inferred from important role that a finished verbal form plays in a sentence. The transformations, which a verbal stem undergoes till it reaches the finished form with which it is actually used in a speech condition, are so varied and sometimes so drastic that the original form of the verbal root becomes difficult to identify. That is why it is of prime importance to have a sound knowledge of the conjugational derivation of a verbal root, which is the subject-matter of the present volume.
The present volume, which is the third and final of the three- volume series, cosists of five chapters containing the elucidates translation of 508 sutras and 69 varttikas which lay down the meaning conditions for the use of case-endings and explain the derivational process of primary (krdanta) and secondary (tadditanta) derivates, compound (samasa) and feminine forms. The schme and method of exposition adopted in the preceding two volumes have been followed here also.
In the first chapter, the krt-affixes are expounded. The affixes, which are prescribed after verbal roots in the governing domain of Dhotoh(763) and are other than tin-affixes, are designated as krt inaccordance with the aphorism krdatin (301). These primary affies are employed to form nominal bases like karta, pacaka, etc. and other primary derivatives such as pitva, gacchan, etc. These affixes have been reated under four heads in the laghu: (1) krtya affixes, (2) purvakrdanta, (3) unadisutras and (4) uttarakrdanta. The second chapter entitled vibhaktyarthaprakarana discusses the karaka and upapada case-ending very briefly. The third chapter is devoted to compounds (samasa). The word samasa means an integration of syntactically and semantically compatible words for the sake of brevity. The purpose of the grammatical function of compoiunding words is to bring about a unique single words which is to have one main accent (aikapadyam aikasvaryan ca samacatvad bhavati, Kasika on pa 2.1.27). To explain the syntacticaloly and semantically connected words rajnah and purusah, occurring in the string rajnah purusah, by sasthi (927) since it is treated as single words, it has one main accent, that is, the last vowel a, following the cerebral sibilant is marked with the udatta accent by samasasya pa.6.1.223. The fourth chapter explains the derivational process after the introduction of taddhita affixes which are introduced after a inished words ending in a sup-affix which is deleted as the derivatives formed with these affixes are assigned the pratipadika-designation by krttaddhitasamasaca (116). The last chapter contains the elucidation of the sutras which prescribe feminine affixes to form feminine derivates.
The Astadhyayt of Panini is the culmination of a long grammatical tradition. It has been acclaimed as a 'monumental work of human intelligence' and the best descriptive model of a language which was the mother tongue of Panini' in the middle of the fifth century B. C. Panini ably blended his originality with careful and ingenious borrowings from the texts of the old grammarians to compose the Astadhyayt. The extensive recognition of this perfect grammatical work consisting of 3983 sutras (aphorisms) is evidenced by the near extinction of the pre- Paninian works of grammar and by the enormity of commentarial literature written on it. Probably in the fourth century B. C. Katyayana composed about four thousand varttikas which proposed the correction, completion and explanation of the aphorisms of the Astadhyayt.' These varttikas as well as the sutras of the Astadhyayi became the focal point for Patafijali to author the great commentary called Mahabhasya in the second century B. C. The Mahabhasya stands distinguished from other bhasya texts and hence is called the Mahabhasya, The reason is that it also assumed the role of the Astadhyayt by proposing istis (bhasyasutras) to describe Sanskrit language.
The grammatical literature composed by the reputed triad of grammarians came to be known by the appellation trimuni vyakaranam. It is indeed the encyclopedic Mahabhasya that has discussed thoroughly almost all grammatical issues and has laid down such principles as have become the last and final word in all places of doubt. It would not be out of place to say that it is Patanjali who, through his magnum opus, raised the grammatical issues to the level of philosophy. After a gap of nearly six centuries, Bhartrhari made the theoretical isssues of grammar a focal point of study and wrote an authoritative and scholarly siddhanta text, the Vakyapadiya, on the philosophical tenets of grammar as well as his Mahabhasyadtpika (....tika : at present available up to seven ahnikas).
The grammatical apparatus set up by Panini regarding the structural aspect of Sanskrit attracted the attention of [ayaditya and Vamana who wrote the Kasikavrtti in the seventh century A. D. It is the only extant full-length commentary on the sutras of the Astadhyayt. According to Haradatta the term vrtti means 'a work in which the meaning of a sutra is given primacy ." Although the title of the commentary on the Astadhyayt written by Jyaditya and Vamana is the Kasikavrtti, it contains more than the meaning of a sutra as is clear from its opening verses. Jayaditya and Vamana describe it as being a summary of the significant views that are found scattered in the vrttis of kuni, Cullibhatti, Nallura, etc. on the Astadhyayt. the Mahabhasya of Patafijali, the Dhatuparayana, Narnaparayana, etc. It also has istis (desirable proposals by Patanjali in the Mahabhasya), upasankhyanas (emending statements made by Katyayana on the sutras of the Astadhyayt), edited lists of ganas, unraveling of the deeper significance of difficult sutras and derivational details of word-forms constituting illustrations.' So, the Kasika is more than a vrtti.
Jinendrabuddhi, a Buddhist grammarian of the eighth century, wrote an easy but illuminating gloss on the Kasika. It is known as Nyasa or Kasikavivaranapanjika. In the twelfth century, Haradatta, another famous grammarian of Southern India, wrote a very learned and scholarly commentary on the Kasikavrtti, known as the Padamanjart. Both these works together propagated and popularized the study of the Astadhyayi. Jinendrabuddhi's work is a great aid in getting at the meaning of the sutras of Panini in a considerably comprehensible way and presents the derivational details lucidly, whereas the work of Haradatta contains everything important that is propounded in the Mahabhasya, which is implied- from the popular saying: If the Mahabhasya has been studied, then it is no use studying the Padamanjari.
Purusottamadeva wrote the commentary Bhasavrtti in the twelfth century. He made use of the Kasika in preparing his commentary. As the title suggests, it was only on those sutras of the Astadhyayi which deal with bhasa 'classical language'. His exposition was brief and straightforward. He did not pay any attention to the theoretical aspect of the Paninian system. Nonetheless, the examples which he has provided in the Bhasavrtti are varied and have been chosen for clarity of structure and frequency in usage.
With the advent of the Rupavatara of Dharmakirti in the eleventh century, the focus of study in the Paninian system of grammar shifted from interpretation to application. The Rupavatara of Dharmakirti is the oldest extant text of the prakriya tradition. Its goal was to facilitate the understanding of beginners. Accordingly, the number of sutras which are discussed by Dharmakirti is limited. Dharmakirti commented on 2664 sutras only, as he did not include the rules on accent and Vedic Sanskrit but the number of illustrations used is manifold. Because there was a shift in emphasis, the order of the sutras of the Astadhyayt was given up. The rules were taken up as and when they were required by the stage of derivational process of the illustrations which were selected purely for derivational reasons. So, the focus for this commentary was the application of grammar in chosen examples. Despite being a successful attempt, the Rupavatara of Dharmakirti did not gain much popularity due to its over-simplified approach to the treatment of the sutras of the Astadhyayt and their frequent repetition.
Ramacandra, a grammarian of the fourteenth century.' wrote the Prakriyakaumudr and thereby improved upon the prakriya method initiated by Dharmaklrti and standardized it. He too focussed on those sutras which dealt with classical Sanskrit. However, at the end, he included a small section dealing with the Vedic prakriya. Many Vedic rules have also been included elsewhere in the Prakriyakaumudi according to the context. His treatment of the verbal paradigms with reference to the grouping of roots, their categorization and arrangement became standard for later prakriya texts. These two prakriya works did not match the depth with which the Kasikavrtti was written. Nonetheless, they did usher in the prakriya tradition which gradually gained popularity.
The prakriya method, which laid emphasis on the applied aspect of Panini's grammar, reached its culmination in the Vaiyakaranasiddhanta kaumudi of Bhattoji Dlksita in the first half of the seventeenth century (Dictionary, p. 289). This prakriya work is popularly known as the Siddhanta-kaumudl. Although it follows the organizational format of the Prakriyakaumudi, its scope is much wider since it comments on every sutra of the Astadhyayt. Its scholarly interpretation of the rules of Panini's grammar with examples and counter-examples accompanied by panktis (pithy statements containing the gist of the principles of grammar as discussed in the Mahabhasya) overshadowed not only the Rupavatara and Prakriyakaumudt but also the Kasika and other commentaries. At several places Bhattoji Diksita does not accept the interpretation of the sutras of the Astadhyayt by Haradatta, Madhava, Rarnacandra, etc. if it is not in consonance with the interpretation of the Mahabhasya. He also criticizes the Kasika whenever he finds in it something inconsistent with the Mahabhasya.
A perusal of the Siddhantakaumudi shows that it is undoubtedly helpful in understanding the Mahabhasya. This is also clear from the popular saying kaumudi yadi kanihastha tmha bha$ye parisramah, kaumudi yadyaka1Jthastha urtha bha$ye parisraman : 'if you have mastered the Siddhantakaumudi, it is no use studying the Mahabhasya and if you have not mastered it, it is futile to study the Mahabhasya', This means that the study of the Siddhantakaumudt enables you to comprehend the gist of grammatical principles that have been discussed in the Mahabhasya even without studying the latter. On the other hand, if you have not properly studied the Siddhantakaumudl, it would be very difficult to grasp what the Mahabhasya has got to say regarding the grammar of Panini. In both ways it is indispensable to study the Siddhantakaumudi.
The present work expounds 391 sutras of the Laghusiddhantakaumudi that explain the conjugational process of the verbal roots and its related grammatical principles. To conjugate a verbal root, Panini prescribes ten lakaras to be introduced after it. These lakaras are not used in actual utterances as they belong to Panini's metalanguage. The verbal terminations that are actually used in speech conditions are tip, tas, jhi, etc. For grammatical purposes, they are considered to be the replacements for the lakaras. In this way, all these verbal terminations are subsumed under the abstract symbol I which denotes kartr (agent), karman (object) and bhava (action) according to Panirii's sutra lan karmani ea bhaue cakarmakebhuali (372). It may be mentioned in this context that the grammarians hold that the capacity to denote a meaning actually resides in tip, tas, jhi, etc. in consonance with the statement of the Mahabhasya sabdenoccaritenartno gamyate, Mbh 1. 1. 68 vtk 1 'it is the uttered word that conveys the meaning.' The ten individual I-members (lat, lit, lut, lrt, let, lot, Ian, lin, lun, and lrn) are distinguished by the anubandhas (its) appended to them as is clear from the list given in the parentheses. These anubandhas are purported to distinguish the I-affixes which are introduced to denote particular tenses and moods. Six of these I-members are used when the action denoted by a verbal root is referred to a particulartime : lat (present), lit (past beyond the .perception of the speaker), lut (future exclusive of to-day), lrt (future in general), Ian (past exclusive of to-day) and lun (past in general). The other four I-members have no reference to time. They are: lin (injunctive or optative), lot (imperative), let (subjunctive) and lrn (conditional). The fifth lakara, namely let, does not find place in the Laghu as its domain is the Vedic language.
The verbal terminations, that is tin-affixes, which are replacements for the abstract affix I are introduced after verbal roots to denote a variety of meanings: It may mean that the action denoted by the verbal root may be present, past 'or future; it may denote a command or a wish; it may denote an agent, an object or the action itself. All these kinds of meaning may be conveyed by these tin-terminations. When they are introduced, the conjugational process is set in motion. This process involves more complexities than the declensional process in which nominal endings are added. That is why the exposition of the conjugation of the verbal stems requires more details for the sake of comprehensibility and clarity. The verbal roots after which these endings are added are listed in the dhatupatha and arranged into ten groups known as gangas. On the basis of this grouping, various infixes are prescribed either to be added after a particular verbal root or to be deleted. Many verbal roots have certain appendages which serve some special purpose. These appendages (its) are dropped before a grammatical operation is begun. There are about 1944 verbal roots in the dhatupatha [Naganatha Shastry (1983) : p. 1]. Besides the five sautra roots, only 216 out of 1944 verbal roots have found place in the Laghukaumudi for their conjugational description. In addition, about ten verbal roots have been given by way of illustrations in the eleven prakriyas (sannanta, yananta, etc.) of the Laghu. The second kind of verbal roots, after which the verbal endings are introduced, are those which are derived with the introduction of the following twelve affixes: san, kyac, kamuac, kyan, kya$, kvip, nic, yan, yak, tiya, fyan and nin. The latter kind of roots which are either denominatives or deverbatives are assigned the dhatu-designation by sanaduania dhatavah (467). The conjugational analysis of these two kinds of verbal roots has been expounded in the present volume.
The affixes that are prescribed after verbal roots are of two kinds: 1. primary affixes (krt-affixes) which are employed to form nominal bases and other primary derivatives from verbal roots and 2. personal verbal endings with which finite verbal forms are derived. These affixes are prescribed in the governing domain of dhaiol: occurring in Pa. 3. 1. 22 and Pa. 3. 1. 91 and are further divided into two mutually exclusive categories: 1. sarvadhatuka and 2. ardhadhatuka. A sarvadhatuka affix is defined by tinsit saroadnatukam (385) 'the till-affixes and those that have s as it which are enunciated in the governing domain of dhato~ are designated as saroadhatuka, The affixes other than tin and sit which also occur in the governing domain of dhaton are called ardhadhatuka lardhadhatukam sesah (403)}. For the ardhadhatuka designation to take effect, the governing domain of the term dhaton occurring in the sutras dhatorekaco haladen kriyasamabhihare yan Pa. 3. 1. 22 and dhatoi: Pa. 3. l. •91 is taken into consideration. However, the term dhaton mentioned in the aphorism dhatoh. karmanah samanakartrkadiccnavam oa Pa. 3. 1. 7 is purported to assign the ardhadhatuka designation to the desiderative affix san only. Moreover, the tin-affixes which replace lit and (asir)lin are also included under the ardhadhatuka designation.
There are two governing sutras of the same form : ardhadhaiuke Pa. 2. 4. 35 and Pa. 6. 4. 46. The governing domain of the first sutra extends up to Pa. 2. 4. 57 (inclusive). In this context, various substitutes have been prescribed for specified verbal stems as, for example, ghas! for ad 'to eat', ga for in 'to go', bhu for as 'to be', vae for bru 'to speak', etc. The sutras that occur in the second governing domain prescribe seven grammatical functions as follows: 1. the elision of a by ato lopah: Pa. 6. 4. 48; 2. the elision of y by yasya halah. Pa. 6. 4. 49; 3. the elision of ni by neraniti Pa. 6. 4. 51; 4. the elision of a by ato lopa iti ca Pa. 6. 4. 64; 5. the substitution of long i for long a by ghumasthagapajahatisam hali Pa. 6. 4. 66; 6. the substitution of e for long a by vanyasya samyagadeh; 7. cinvadbhava by syasicsiyuttasisu ... Pa. 6. 4. 62. Besides these grammatical functions, there are some other changes that a verbal stern undergoes when a specific ardhadhatuka affix follows. These changes are: 1. sarnprasarana (vocalization) 2. dvirvacana (reduplication) and 3. changes relating to a phoneme, such as lengthening, guna, etc. These grammatical operations and other implications of these different categories of verbal affixes will crystalize when we come to the analysis of the conjugational process of the verbal sterns discussed in this work.
The technical terms sarvadhatuka and ardhadhatuka are interpreted by Vidya Niwas Misra [1966 : p. 87] as affixes respectively added after full stems and non-full sterns. He appears to subscribe to the view that these terms have been used by Panini in accordance with the meaning of their constituent parts. Having almost the same view, Abhyankar [Dictionary, s. v. ardhadhatuka] says that those verbal affixes which are found used after every verbal stern have been designated as saroadhatukas, which is not the case with ardhadhatuka affixes which are added after certain roots like the krt affixes. Following this line of thinking, we can say that, according to Panini, tin verbal terminations might have actually been designated as saroadhatuka since they are found used after all original verbal roots and the affixes, having s as it, were clubbed with tin-affixes for different grammatical reasons, which could be the grammatical function of a guna-substitution, treating these affixes as nit by saroadhatukamapit (499), etc. As an exception, even tinterminations substituted for lit and (asir)lin have been assigned the ardhadhatuka designation so that the introduction of an infix after a verbal root may be blocked even if a tin-affix denoting an agent follows. In a similar manner, Panini might have intended to designate only the krt affixes as ardhadhaiuka but the krt affixes satr, sanae, sa, khas, etc. might have been assigned the sarvadhatuka designation so that an infix can be added after a verbal root and these affixes may be treated as nit. What I want to drive horne here is that Panini used the method of utsarga and apavada even in the case of using these terms in the Astadhyayi so that he could succeed in describing the usages of the cultured in a short and precise manner.
The present volume contains the exposition of 508 sutras and 69 varttikas which explain the meaning conditions for the use of caseendings and the derivational process of primary (krdanta) and secondary (taddhitanta) derivates, compounds (samasa) and feminine forms. The scheme and method of exposition adopted in the preceding two volumes have been followed here also. The affixes, which are prescribed after verbal roots in the governing domain of dhatoh (763) and are other than tin-affixes, are designated as kri in accordance with the aphorism krdaiin (301). These primary affixes are employed to' form nominal bases like karta, pacaka, etc. and other primary derivatives such as pitva, gacchan, etc. These affixes have been treated under four heads in the Laghu : (1) krtya affixes (2) purvakrdanta (3) unadisutras and (4) u ttarakrdan ta.
Understanding the use of krt-affixes with their denotative functions enables one to comprehend the nuances of constructions with these affixes that we come across in sastric texts. This may be judged to some extent from the following. The present participle in Sanskrit corresponds to the participle in English ending in 'ing'. It is used to indicate contemporaneity in action, for example, eoam cintayanneva rathad avatatara 'while thinking in this manner, he alighted from the chariot', vrajamsca vicarayamasa 'and while going, he pondered', etc. The acts of thinking and alighting in the former sentence and the acts of going and pondering in the latter are contemporaneous. However, the present participle is also used to denote an attribute or the cause or purpose of an action. These are illustrated respectively in the following sentences: sayana bhunjate yavanah (Kasika on Pa. 3. 2. 126) 'the Yavanas take their meals, lying down', harim pasyan mucyate (SK IV, pp. 117-18) 'seeing Hari, he gets liberated', arjayan vasati (ibid.) 'he stays on in order to earn.' Similarly, the affix sanac has been used by Sankara to convey the sense of purpose in ya hi codana dharmasya laksanam sa svavisaye niyunjanaiva purusam avabadhayati (BSS, 1. 1. 1) 'the scriptural injunctive sentence imparts knowledge about dharma to a person (desirous of attaining heaven, etc.) in order to engage him in performing a sacrifice,' etc. This comes to mean that the injunction is purported to prompt an authorized person to perform a sacrifice. In such cases, the significance of Panini's sutra laksanahetvoh kriyayah pa. 3.2.126 cannot be overemphasized. A proper understanding of such aphorisms is essential for understanding the scriptural nuances.
The nistha affixes ktavatu and kta, when introduced after the transitive verbs, respectively convey the active and passive senses, The illustrations to this effect are; aham patram presitavan {I sent a letter (active)} maya patram presitam {A letter was sent by me (passive)}. Both of them are used in the sense of the past tense. Several intransitive as well as transitive verbs can be used to denote action (Bhavacya, impersonal voice), defeated by love for his children’, etc. The krtya and the affixes carrying the sense of the affixes khal are also used to convey the sense of action (Bhava) and the object (Karma). It is worth mentioning here that the nistha affix kta also conveys an active sense when used after verbal roots denoting motion, intransitive roots in general and the roots slis ‘to embrace’, si to sleep’, stha to stand’, to sit’, vas ‘to dwell jan ‘to be born’ ruh ‘to grow’ and jr ‘to become old’. To illustrate, the use of kta after the verbal root gam conveys the active sense in aham gramam gatah’I went to village’.
Commenting on aphorisms enjoing krt-affixes, whenevedr I have come across a controversial point, an effort has been made to clear the confusion and decide the issue with he invocation of an appropriate authority. While discussing the illustration punih on the varttika rlvadibhyah ktinnisthavad vacyah (vtk50) bhumasena Shastri (bhaimi, II p. 218) dismisses it saying that the illustration given here is not authentic as it is not consonant with the usage of the cultured. I have examined this view and found that Patanjali, has justified the inclusion of the verbal root pun, originally menaing ‘to purify’, in the group of lvadi-gana but only when it is assigned the meaning ‘destruction as is clear from the varttika puno vinase MBh 8.2.44 vtk 3 (see infra p. 110) Kaivyata appears to support this, attributing it to the maxim ‘verbal roots convey many sense’ (see Mbh. Puc. On 8.2.44 vtk 3) On this basis, a justified but it signifies ‘destruction’, not ‘purity (pavitrata)’ as is given in the GP edition (p.164fn.3).
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