India's rapid economic growth and newfound access to military technology, especially by way of its rapprochement with the United States, have raised hopes of a military revival in the country. Against this optimism about the rise of Indian military power stands the reality that India has not been able to alter its military-strategic position despite being one of the world's largest importers of advanced conventional weapons for three decades. India has implemented its nuclear development program to protect national interest, security and create balance of power through quantity and quality of strategic arms possession. These strategic weapons refer to nuclear weapons or modern weaponry of mass destruction and are able to provide an advantage to a country. This decision is considered a rational decision because India thinks the world is in state of anarchy and in moving towards military modernization. India's offset policy for Defence goods has been designed to leverage the country's position as a large buyer and exporter. India's offset policy for the Defence industry states that any purchase from a foreign supplier in excess of $70.0 million will require a reinvestment of 30.0 percent of the total purchase amount in terms of components and services from India. The offset policy applies to imports by Defence PSU's, ordinance factories, and private participants of the industry. Delivered in a reader-friendly layout, this impeccably written manual will serve as an essential guide for academics and researchers in security and defense studies, international relations, and political science. It also holds significant value for government think tanks and policymakers, solidifying its position as an indispensable resource.

Dr. Rahul Kardekar Vice Principal at J. N. Lal Mahavidyalaya Sringeri. He obtained his all higher qualifications, M.A.,M.Phil. and Ph.D.in Political Science and serving the College since1998. He has penned several articles in various reputed journals and magazines of national and international repute. He has supervised and guided forty one Research scholars of .M.Phil. and Ph.D.

India, the world's second most populous nation and sixth largest economy, is a nuclear weapons state with conventional forces among the largest in the world and a current defense budget of $72 billion. In 1971, India's military prevailed over Pakistan to midwife the birth of Bangladesh. In 1999, it again chastised Pakistan for clandestine territorial transgression. May 2020 saw the Indian army forcefully retaliating against a surprise Chinese surge across a non-demarcated boundary in the Himalayas. And yet, many feel that India punches below its weight because it has been unable to leverage its significant national power to deter or dissuade its neighbors from undertaking actions inimical to its interests. The military is undoubtedly a powerful instrument for advancing national interest. India has a large army, a credible nuclear deterrent, an established missile capability and a powerful navy. Behind the debate on 'military diplomacy' lies a strong sentiment in our armed forces that their role in formulating our security policies is limited. The present situation between the service headquarters and the ministry of defence is considered functionally unsatisfactory. The inadequate coordination between the ministry of defence and the ministry of external affairs is widely commented upon as a systemic deficiency.

India's current interest in the maritime domain is focused on two realities. First, for China, as the world's largest trading nation and energy importer, the Indian Ocean sea-lanes constitute a significant vulnerability. Second, India's own foreign trade-to-GDP ratio has climbed from 20% in 1990 to over 45% in 2021, and an overwhelming proportion of this trade moves by sea. Given its fortuitous peninsular geography. India's compact but capable navy can dominate the Indian Ocean sea- lanes, offering many options for undertaking the maritime component of military diplomacy.